From cknox@crl.com Sun Sep 11 22:39:19 1994 Received: from nova.unix.portal.com (nova.unix.portal.com [156.151.1.101]) by jobe.shell.portal.com (8.6.4/8.6.5) with ESMTP id WAA18037 for ; Sun, 11 Sep 1994 22:39:17 -0700 Received: from mail.crl.com (mail.crl.com [165.113.1.22]) by nova.unix.portal.com (8.6.7/8.6.5) with SMTP id WAA29748 for ; Sun, 11 Sep 1994 22:39:13 -0700 Received: from crl5.crl.com by mail.crl.com with SMTP id AA26352 (5.65c/IDA-1.5 for ); Sun, 11 Sep 1994 22:08:06 -0700 Received: by crl5.crl.com id AA07450 (5.65c/IDA-1.5); Sun, 11 Sep 1994 22:07:38 -0700 Date: Sun, 11 Sep 1994 22:07:38 -0700 From: "Christopher W. Knox" Message-Id: <199409120507.AA07450@crl5.crl.com> To: cknox@crl.com Subject: FCO 9-12-94 Status: RO -----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- ======================================================================== Online Report to the F I R E A R M S C O A L I T I O N Box 6537, Silver Spring, MD 20916 ======================================================================== September 12, 1994 Release 1.20 ======================================================================== In this issue: * Crime Bill Roller Coaster * Anti-gun Extravaganza Set for September 20 * Gun Ban Much Changed From Senate Original * Washington Gun Rights March * Mikva Is Clinton's White House Counsel * Arizona Judge Denies Limit On Brady Ruling * California Ends Gun Law-less Term ======================================================================== A note from Chris 1994 was a tough year for the Second Amendment, and the rest of the Bill of Rights. Yet the pendulum shows every sign of slowing, and maybe of starting back the other way. The best news is that NRA was offered -- and refused -- a "compromise" that would have banned fewer guns, but that would have violated the principle of the Second Amendment. There is a school of thought that holds losing while standing on principle in higher regard than getting a nominal "win" while compromising principle. And from a purely political standpoint, we now have a list of clear targets. Those elected servants who sought your and my vote on the basis of their support for gun rights are now either shown as men and women of their word, or as hypocrites. ### Speaking of hypocrites, I got a mixed bag of responses in the mail to my bashing of Jon Kyl last bulletin. Kyl, my Representative in the Fourth District of Arizona, is seeking the Senate seat of outgoing Dennis DeConcini. He voted with us right down the line and then flip- flopped, voting for final passage of the bill. I don't want to bore you with local politics, but the case at hand is instructive. This registered Republican won't support Kyl for Senate. I'll vote Libertarian. A significant Libertarian vote could throw the election to the Democrat, some of my loyalist friends have warned. Big deal. We're replacing Dennis DeConcini. He was once a "friend," too. I think making an example of a fair-weather friend would have an edifying effect on other "moderates." ### This Bulletin is an expanded version of _Hard Corps Report_ No. 60, dated September 5, 1994. The paper version had to be trimmed. I don't have the 1990-1994 box scores that went out in the paper version, however I hope to get them out in the next few days. Chris The opinions expressed above are my own. ======================================================================== The Firearms Coalition Neal Knox Associates P.O. Box 6537 Silver Spring, MD 20916 Sept 5, 1994 Dear Friend and Supporter, The ban on over-10-shot magazines and so-called "assault weapons" is a grievous blow to the Second Amendment. It is also the high tide of the anti-gun movement, at least on the Federal level. As that wave fades, its going to take out some provisions that Clinton is about to make law. The anti-gun crowd has been picking off strays and cripples at the edge of the gun-owning herd. Their victories have been the bans on "Cop-Killer Bullets" that never killed a cop, "Plastic Guns" that never existed, and now "Assault Weapons" that are rarely used in assaults. This latest ban, fast on the heels of the Brady Bill, has brought heads up -- and tempers up --from those who snoozed through the early warnings. The evidence is the unprecedented increase in the sales of all guns since Brady passed last fall -- and the fact that the three larges primer makers have been back-ordered more than a billion primers each since spring, despite record production. Not all of the herd is alert; not by a long shot. But Bill Clinton is the greatest seller of firearms, ammunition and NRA memberships in history. And the New NRA is taking the first steps toward mobilizing its greatest weapon: its huge, dedicated membership. That is what is going to stop -- and reverse -- the tide. Of course the semi-auto and magazine bans will be challenged in the courts as unconstitutional. The best Second Amendment scholars in the nation are already debating just how it will be brought, and by whom, and where. But don't count on any real relief from the courts: "The supreme Court has almost shamelessly refused to discuss the (Second Amendment)." So wrote nationally recognized legal scholar Sanford Levinson in a Dec. 1989 _Yale Law Journal_ article appropriately entitled, "The Embarrassing Second Amendment." If the Supreme Court doesn't want to consider the Second Amendment - -- and they don't -- there's not a blessed thing we can do about it. If the Supreme Court does consider it, it will not "settle the question once and for all," no matter how they rule. At best the Court's ruling would be a very narrow decision -- as was their only ruling in this century -- U.S. v. Miller, which held (wrongly_ that only militia-type arms are protected. Like those Congress just banned. At worst the Court would declare that the Second Amendment means nothing. So what? Congress and the President are already writing laws as if it meant nothing. But such a ruling would jerk even more of the herd awake, putting even more into the angry mood that has countless gun owners seeking revenge at the polls this fall. So we're back to the only real solution: CHANGE THE CONGRESS. Toward that objective, in the middle of the crime bill fight, I've been working with NRA-ILA on the greatest grass roots effort in NRA history. On the cover of the September American Rifleman and American Hunter the 3.4 million members of NRA will find a local phone number (down to Congressional District level) that they can call to link up with other members who want to change the Congress. For the first time NRA is asking all its members to do something other than merely vote -- or put their signatures on the bottom of a letter to Congress or a check to NRA. Considering that there are an average 8,000 NRA members in each Congressional District, if even a fraction get involved in helping pro- gun candidates and defeating gun-banners, it's going to have a tremendous impact. And I hope that you will get involved. At every stage of the crime bill fight, we lost key votes because just one or tow Congressmen or Senators voted wrong. Change just a few and we'll win next year's battles. Change a bunch and we'll take back lost ground. Thanks to the courage of ILA Director Tanya Metaksa -- who looked powerful members of Congress in the eye and refused to compromise -- we have clear targets in this fall's elections. There was no "half-as-bad" gun ban endorsed by NRA. Despite all the talk that we couldn't win, we almost did. And we did bring the Clinton Administration to its knees. When the President of the United States is on the tube for days condemning the NRA for blocking his bill, it's solid evidence that the gun lobby was doing its job right! I'm proud to have played a role in this fight and appreciate that most of you have continued to support my efforts. I must ask that more of you do. Those efforts are beginning to work. Even in defeat, we gunowners are regaining -- and enhancing -- Congressional respect. And we're setting the stage for victor and vindication. Yours for the Second Amendment (signature) Neal Knox ======================================================================== The Crime Bill Roller Coaster On the eve of Labor Day President Bill Clinton passed a crime bill -- complete with a gun and magazine ban -- that he had wanted to sign before Memorial Day. From the 51-49 vote when the Senate initially failed to reject the Feinstein Amendment to the crime bill last November, to the 216-214 House passage May 5, to the stunning 225-210 body block that momentarily stalled it Aug. 11, to the two-vote margin by which it broke loose in the Senate Aug. 25, it was a roller coaster ride. NRA lost. But regained -- and enhanced -- its reputation. Bill Clinton won. But his popularity has dropped to the lowest point of any President in 40 years, the rest of his program is a shambles, Hillary is in hiding, and Democrat Congressmen are panicking -- and want him to endorse their opponents. That isn't the way the summer started. In early June Crime Subcommittee Chairman Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.), still euphoric from House approval of the gun ban, began preparing another hit for the supposedly prostrate gun fraternity -- hearings on H.R. 4300, "Brady II," to impose European-style gun restriction on Americans. But those plans were shelved when the crime bill began running into trouble. Members of the Black Caucus began insisting that the House-Senate conference compromise retain the House-passed "Racial Justice Act," which would have applied a racial quota to executions. With no chance that the Senate would approve such a provision, and the probability that the crime bill couldn't be finally approved without the 39-member Black Caucus, Clinton began negotiating with them -- some said "buying them off," as had been done with billions in inner-city grants for "crime-fighting" programs like "midnight basketball." How much the gun ban will cost taxpayers will never be known, but veteran Congressmen said they never saw anything like the Presidential vote-buying before the May 5 vote through final passage. There were rumors of bridges, buildings and judgeships being traded, but perhaps the most imaginative -- as reported in the July 26 Las Vegas Review Journal -- was a promise by President Clinton to Detroit Congresswoman Barbara-Rose Collins, a prominent member of the Black Caucus, to deed a downtown Detroit city block to a local Indian tribe as a reservation so it could develop a casino. There was an opening day of statements from House-Senate conferees June 16, but behind the scenes the leadership couldn't find enough votes to pass the bill, so another meeting wasn't held for more than a month while Democrat factions jockeyed for position. Republicans were excluded, for the majority's plan was to pass the bill without GOP help, thereby wresting the crime issue from them for the fall campaigns. The last week of July the conference reconvened, winding up with a marathon session July 28 that lasted until 3 a.m., then reconvened at 8 a.m. The final gun-related hangup was whether a spouse who had ever been under a domestic restraining order could ever again own a gun; it was finally rejected, with possession prohibited only while the restraining order was in effect. But the gun provisions were accepted, substantially as they had passed the House. House Judiciary Chairman Jack Brooks couldn't get enough votes for his widely reported move to strike the AR-15 from the list of banned guns and push up the magazine capacity. He might have if NRA had agreed to accept that in exchange for approving of the rest of the gun and magazine ban. ILA Director Tanya Metaksa told him "No way," for NRA would have forever given up any claim to uphold the Second amendment. The details of what the conference had agreed to weren't revealed for several more days, while Democrats continued to wheel and deal for votes and "minor" changes. Republicans didn't see the 900-page bill until after the beginning of the Rules Committee meeting the night of Aug. 10. The voting rule the majority rammed through prohibited any amendments and waived all points of order. It was railroaded to the House floor the next day. What threw that choo-choo off the track were the Republican discoveries of all the political spending in the bill -- which came out of the Senate with $22 billion, the House with $28 billion, and the conference with $33 billion. That was topped off by a previously unseen $10 million grant to Chairman Brooks' alma mater for a criminal justice institute. An unabashed Mr. Brooks told the press: "Pork is most flavorful when it is well done." The President was confident that he at last had the votes. He didn't because 48 pro-gun Democrats joined 10 members of the Black Caucus and all but 11 Republicans in opposing the voting rule -- preventing the crime bill from coming up by a vote of 225-210. The Administration -- in the words of all three networks -- was stunned. President Clinton called an immediate press conference at which he fumed against " a procedural trick orchestrated by the National Rifle Association." Surrounded by "ashen-faced aides," the President, according to The Washington Times, "clenched his jaw, ground his teeth and sputtered at times." The Washington Post -- the NRA's No. 1 critic -- said NRA had "hand(ed) Clinton the biggest legislative defeat of his presidency." The President and his advisors that night put together a plan to stir up public demand by capitalizing on the polls claiming antipathy for NRA and "assault weapons." For four days, at a police convention, with crime victims in the Rose Garden, and at a Black D.C. church (where he called passage of the bill "the Will of God") he lashed out at both guns and the NRA, gave the Congressional phone number on national TV, and sat back awaiting a public outcry for Congress to pass the bill. The supposed anti-gun public was silent, but gun owners responded to the President's message by ratios of from up to 100 to one. For every vote the President got, he lost one. At first he met with and telephoned only Democrats, particularly the Black Caucus. Then he focused on anti-gun Republicans who had voted against the rule; but even they insisted on changes from the Democrats' bill. Reluctantly, on Aug. 20 the Administration agreed to bring "moderate" Republicans into the negotiations, but allowed them no substantive gains in a session that lasted until dawn, then continued through Saturday, Aug. 21. That Saturday morning Rep. Bill Brewster (D-Okla.), who had sent a scathing letter to the President he had supported very early in the primaries, introduced a crime bill with all controversial sections -- including guns -- stripped out. With the help of NRA lobbyists, by that night the bill had more than 180 co-sponsors. The Washington Post reported that a panicky White House, working from the President's residence, perceived that what had been considered a nuisance had become a threat. Shortly before midnight the scheduled House vote was canceled and Administration negotiators were ordered to make a few more-substantive concessions in meetings that continued until 3 a.m.. The Republican "moderates" -- convinced that it was their negotiating skills that had caused the changes -- were giddy, particularly Reps. John Kasich (R-Ohio) and Susan Molinari (R- N.Y.), who told the press she was "pinching herself to be sure it was real." The Democrats gave them enough crumbs that the Republican "moderates" promised to support the bill when it came up that Sunday afternoon. Forty-six did. This time the voting rule passed 238-189. A motion to send the bill back to committee, in favor of the Brewster bill, failed 232-197. The crime bill passed the House 235-195. The Senate took up the bill the next day. Republican Senators, particularly Majority Leader Bob Dole (Kans.), were angry at the partisan attacks and the pork-laden bill -- and a significant number wanted no part of its gun ban. Sen. Dole had two aces, the predictable filibuster and a "budget point of order," because the bill did not comply with the 1990 Budget act. Both maneuvers required Majority Leader Mitchell to come up with 60 votes. Three Republicans -- Sens. Roth (Del.), Jeffords (Vt.), and Specter (Pa.) -- and all but one Democrat, Sen. Richard Shelby (Ala.), were with Mitchell, giving him 58 votes. After four days of debate and continuous negotiations, the President helped pick off three more "moderate" Republicans -- Sens. Kassebaum (Kans.), Chafee (R.I.) and Danforth (Mo.) -- who gave Clinton the victory he desperately needed. The point of order was overturned 61-39. Pro-gun Senators immediately launched a filibuster. But that night, debate was shut off by a 61-38 vote, and the bill passed by the same margin. Ironically, though Administration spokesmen from the President on down had insisted that the Congress not recess until they had passed the bill -- "the criminals won't go on vacation," Clinton said -- the President went on vacation, and won't sign it until after Congress returns from the Labor Day recess. ======================================================================== Anti-gun Extravaganza Set for September 20 It looks like September. 20 will be a huge anti- gun extravaganza. That's the reported date for the signing of the crime bill with its gun ban. Plus that's the date for the 38,000 shoes representing "gun death victims" -- most of which were suicides. Plus that's the date of proposed hearings planned by Crime Subcommittee Chairman Charles Schumer on what the Second Amendment really means. The question is whether he will allow "Liberal" constitutional scholars like Texas University Prof. Sanford Levinson, who wrote "The Embarrassing Second Amendment" in the Dec. 1989 Yale Law Journal. Or Duke Law Professor William Van Alstyne who wrote "The Second Amendment and the Personal Right to Arms," which appeared in the latest Duke Law Journal. Care to bet whether Mr. Schumer has invited them? ======================================================================== Gun Ban Much Changed From Senate Original The so-called "Assault Weapons" section of the crime bill President Clinton will sign after Congress returns next week still applies to the same 19 listed models and over-10-shot "feeding devices" included in the Feinstein Amendment last November. What is significantly different is the way it affects presently owned guns and magazines. There are no requirements for owners to register the guns or keep any special records if they are sold or transferred. Though the soon-to-be law contains the Feinstein generic definitions they will have relatively impact on commercial manufacturers, who can eliminate many of the features that would put a gun into the prohibited class. However, the prohibition against "manufacture" applies to "any person" who modifies a legal rifle by adding prohibited features such as a folding "pistol-grip" stock. The bill also codifies many of the restrictions on gun dealers which BATF has been imposing by fiat. "Semiauto assault weapon" is defined as "(A) any of the firearms, or copies or duplicates of the firearms in any caliber, known as Norinco, Mitchell, and Poly Technologies Avtomat Kalashnikovs (all models); Action Arms Israeli Military Industries UZI and Galil; Beretta Ar70 (SC-70); Colt AR-15; Fabrique National FN/FAL, FN/LAR, and FNC; SWD M-10, M-11, M-11/9, and M-12; Steyr AUG; INTRATEC TEC- 9, TEC-DC9 and TEC-22; and revolving cylinder shotguns, such as (or similar to) the Street Sweeper and Striker 12; "(B) a semiautomatic rifle that has an ability to accept a detachable magazine and has at least 2 of -- (i) a folding or telescoping stock; (ii) a pistol grip that protrudes conspicuously beneath the action of the weapon; (iii) a bayonet mount; (iv) a flash suppressor or threaded barrel designed to accommodate a flash suppressor; and (v) a grenade launcher; "(C) a semiautomatic pistol that has an ability to accept a detachable magazine and has at least 2 of -- (i) an ammunition magazine that attaches to the pistol outside of the pistol grip; (ii) a threaded barrel capable of accepting a barrel extender, flash suppressor, forward handgrip, or silencer; (iii) a shroud that ... encircles the barrel and that permits the shooter to hold the firearm with the nontrigger hand without being burned; (iv) a manufactured weight of 50 ounces or more when the pistol is unloaded; and (v) a semiautomatic version of an automatic firearm and "(D) a semiautomatic shotgun that has at least 2 of -- (i) a folding or telescoping stock; (ii) a pistol grip that protrudes conspicuously beneath the action of the weapon; (iii) a fixed magazine capacity in excess of 5 rounds; and (iv) an ability to accept a detachable magazine." Guns meeting this definition, made after the date of enactment, are required to have a "serial number ... (which) shall clearly show the date on which the weapon was manufactured." The section having by far the most impact on the most gun owners - -- since far more own or will want to own over-10-shot rifles or handguns than military-look guns -- is a ban on possession or transfer of "large capacity ammunition feeding devices" -- defined as "a magazine, belt, drum, feed strip or similar device that has a capacity of, or that can be readily restored or converted to accept more than 10 rounds of ammunition; and (ii) any combination of parts from which (a feeding device) can be assembled." The definition specifically exempts "an attached tubular device" for .22 rimfire ammunition. So a 15-shot tubular magazine rifle similar to a Remington 552 would be legal to make, but a 15-shot box magazine for a rifle like the Ruger 10-22 would not. Prohibited "feeding devices" may be possessed or transferred only if "lawfully possessed" on the date of enactment. Rep. John Dingell (D-Mich.) caused language to be added stipulating that any magazine without a serial number and date of manufacture is presumed to have been made before the law, and specifically puts the burden of proof on the government to show that a gun or magazine was not lawfully possessed before the law. A staunch advocate for gun owners for more than 30 years, and one of the most powerful members of Congress, he made those changes shortly before resigning from the NRA Board of Directors and voting for the bill -- which he described on the floor as "obnoxious" and a violation of the Second Amendment. (In a letter to NRA President Tom Washington he said he found the duties of being in the House leadership and on the NRA Board "irreconcilable.") The final bill amends the Gun Control Act to prohibit any "person" from manufacturing, transferring or possessing "a semiautomatic assault weapon" except possession or transfer of one "lawfully possessed under Federal law on the date of enactment." That reference to Federal law -- which "miraculously" appeared in the conference bill, but wasn't in either the Senate or House- passed language -- may be of critical importance to owners of affected guns who have refused to register them in compliance with state or local laws. (The bill's exemption for existing magazines only refers to "otherwise lawfully possessed on the date of enactment.") The legislation specifically exempts a list of 650 rifles and shotguns; any bolt, pump, lever and slide action; any antique or "permanently inoperable" gun, "any semiautomatic rifle that cannot accept a detachable magazine that holds more than 5 rounds" or "any semiautomatic rifle that cannot hold more than 5 rounds in a fixed or detachable magazine." Also exempted is any affected model made or used by government or law enforcement, or by a retired police officer who receives the gun from his agency when he retires. The bill calls for the Attorney General to study the effectiveness of the law and report back to Congress within 30 months. While it prohibits possession of handguns and ammunition by persons under 18, the list of exemptions and exceptions (such as parental permission) should cover all lawful uses. The new dealer license requirements -- like the current application -- requires fingerprinting, photos, and compliance with local laws and ordinances. It also allows BATF to impose certain security requirements for storage and transportation of firearms. In one of the few useful provisions -- and the one least likely to be prosecuted -- it makes it a Federal felony to steal any firearm "which has moved in interstate commerce." The law says it expires in ten years, but don't count on it. ======================================================================== Washington Gun Rights March The August 14 "March on Washington" -- which drew as many as 10,000 gun owners from across the country -- was perfectly timed. It was a purely grass roots effort, put together by an ad hoc group calling themselves the "Committee of 1776." None of the major gun groups were involved, but would have been if they could have known it was going to come on the weekend before the House vote on the crime bill. The crowd in front of the Lincoln Memorial enthusiastically applauded and cheered a continuous string of speakers -- most of them good ones like G. Gordon Liddy, Gene Burns and Roy Innis -- from 10:30 a.m. to after 4:30 p.m. As expected The Washington Post ignored it, the Washington Times ran an AP photo of the crowd. With the gun ban dominating the news that week, local TV stations ran considerable videotape and C-Span showed the entire event, or most of it, the following Saturday. ======================================================================== Mikva Is Clinton's White House Counsel Chief Federal Appeals Judge for the D.C. Circuit, who as a Congressman first called for banning handguns in 1969, has been appointed to replace Lloyd Cutler as White House Counsel. In the 1970's, he was the leading anti-gunner in the House when appointed to the "Second Highest Court" by President Jimmy Carter. He was opposed by NRA-ILA both in the confirmation (where an almost unheard-of 36 Senators opposed him) and in a Constitutional challenge in which then-Sen. Jim McClure (R-Idaho) was the plaintiff. "The NRA knows they can't beat me; they're just doing this as an object lesson to anyone else who gets out front on `gun control.'" Ab understood perfectly. Though it could be a breach of ethics for Mikva not to step down from the court after accepting his new post, Mikva is delaying his formal resignation to make sure a "Liberal," rather than a next-in- line "Conservative" became his replacement as chief judge. Under the rules of the court, a delay will make the "Conservative" a few days too old to become chief. ======================================================================== Arizona Judge Denies Limit On Brady Ruling Arizona Federal Judge John M. Roll, who in June ruled that the Brady Law did not have to be done by local police departments because it violates the Tenth Amendment, has rejected a Justice Department request that his ruling only applies to Graham County Sheriff Richard Mack. On Aug. 23, Judge Roll said his ruling applies nationally. Dave Hardy, attorney for the sheriff, has sued Attorney General Janet Reno for failing to provide a Freedom of Information Act request for a copy of all drafts of an Office of Legal Counsel memo saying the agency would not prosecute law enforcement officers who failed to comply with the law. Four of five cases backed or assisted by NRA have ruled that police cannot be prosecuted for non-compliance. ======================================================================== California Ends Gun Law-less Term California's legislature closed down Friday without passing any serious gun restrictions, including two from retiring Sen. David Roberti, subject of a gunowners' recall effort blamed for his defeat as California Treasurer. Last month the Connecticut legislature, in a special session, passed a law prohibiting private transfers of handguns. ======================================================================== Copyright 1994 by Neal Knox Associates P.O. Box 6537 Rockville, MD 20916. Reproduction and distribution of this bulletin by any means is encouraged so long as this statement is retained. ======================================================================== PGP Users I grabbed a copy of PGP 2.6 for the Mac off of Berkeley's FTP site last night and it won't work with my system. I'll be migrating to a PC soon anyway, so bear with me. Remove the asterisks to use this key. *-----BEGIN PGP PUBLIC KEY BLOCK----- Version: 2.3 mQCPAi1tPEUAAAEEALs5MUajMVKA9QQkiibPXDLzUOzXvgIkTY5/pU4iczGolC/T JjBcUuzFXXVSAeJkoJTJNbI/OKVGJrAeoqNdCpHkKXaWg6J3dCxZikkHHSoO2tRW GeVsJHT9+q5KozqqVGxisIoyQvF6MmfGalJY7jnfwacxi2SY3Q5t55+a10qVABEB AAG0J0NocmlzdG9waGVyIFdhcnJlbiBLbm94IDxja25veEBjcmwuY29tPg== =rsvv *-----END PGP PUBLIC KEY BLOCK----- We recommend encryption of sensitive data such as credit card numbers. ======================================================================== Dear Neal, I use the information you provide to protect my gun rights. Enclosed is my contribution so that you can continue your work: $500 [ ] $250 [ ] $50 [ ] $25 [ ] Other:____ [ ] Bill my MasterCard [ ] Visa [ ] Quarterly [ ]; Monthly [ ]; Once [ ] Card No. ______________________ Expiration Date _____ Mr. [ ] Mrs.[ ]______________________________ Signature ______________________ Ms. [ ] Address __________________________________________ Phone _______________ City _____________________________________________ State ____ Zip_______ Email Address ______________________ Print and mail, or send via Email to nealknox@genie.geis.com Firearms Coalition Box 6537 Silver Spring, MD 20916 -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE----- Version: 2.3 iQCVAgUBLnLnLw5t55+a10qVAQE6TwP/avA1GPCNSoyWoUNTwasP/T9/QDrgeKVy OaEELMaLbx7mNLg3ipQbXcaCa7Phgis/fg1VHYnv+LpazRbcJj0O20wmBgT1B9DX dZ9kQVbRJceE6P0E/321efNYEWDGWm7n2KlgXumWW6lAY/RAY2Ukd8wPBOi7sKBL l5GLPng68qs= =/7nI -----END PGP SIGNATURE----- -- "If you want to have a large population and to provide it with arms so as to establish a great empire, you will have made your population such that you cannot handle it as you please." -- Machiavelli _The Discourses_ To receive the Online Firearms Coalition Bulletin send mail to cknox@crl.com with "subscribe" as the subject. 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